Monday, May 21, 2012

Power and Sexuality: The Portrayal of 1920s Women

            In The Big Money, by John Dos Passos, Margo Dowling seduces a young guitar player to run away from home, flirts with an American Embassy worker to escape Cuba, sleeps with her casting director in the hopes of getting her own show, convinces a wealthy businessman on his deathbed to sign over a check for cash, and accepts a movie producer’s proposal of marriage to secure a career in Hollywood. In Baby Face, directed by Alfred E. Green, Lily Powers sleeps with a succession of men, from a railroad worker to a hiring clerk to a series of managers to the president of a bank, in order to gain favors, promotions, and material wealth, and then she merely flirts her way out of any trouble she gets herself into along the way—including the deaths of two of her spurned lovers. These women may seem to be anything but typical representations of modern young women in the 1920s. Yet, is this brief summary really all there is to these two women? Or do they have another side, a more rounded and complete identity than that of cold and calculating seductress? A feminist critical analysis of the portrayal of Margo Dowling and Lily Powers reveals the representation of 1920s U.S. women in novel and film as powerful yet ultra-feminine creatures of sexuality, ambition, and nontraditional moral standards—challenging both assumed gender roles and traditional standards of femininity.
            Dos Passos wrote The Big Money as a collection of various stories, mini-biographies, newsreels, and streams of consciousness. The result is a conglomeration of 1920s life and thought. One of the ongoing stories is that of Margo Dowling, who grows up with poverty and abuse, vowing never to be weak or dependent like her adoptive mother, Agnes (Dos Passos 133). Margo eventually moves to New York City with Agnes and begins acting, but when her new stepfather rapes her, she rushes into marriage with her boyfriend, Tony, and escapes with him to live with his family in Cuba. Life in Cuba is hell for Margo, as she becomes disillusioned with her ever more controlling husband. When her newborn baby dies because of a sexually transmitted disease that Tony had acquired and passed on to Margo (196), she can no longer endure her situation. Margo decides to use her sex appeal to convince a boy working at the U.S. consulate to smuggle her back into the States. Once there, Margo focuses all her thoughts and energy on gaining independence—from poverty, from weakness, from men. She gets jobs in choruses, modeling, and acting, and eventually makes her way to Hollywood. Tony plagues her, taking her money and causing trouble, while Agnes follows her, helping when she can, as Margo struggles, plots, barters, and pushes her way to the height of status and power: Hollywood stardom.
            By the end of the novel, one can almost imagine the character Margo as the actress Barbara Stanwyck, who plays Lily Powers in the film Baby Face. The movie begins with Lily as a beautiful young woman working in her father’s speakeasy, where she is constantly pestered by the male patrons. Her problem is not helped by her father, who actually sells her company to the men. Lily finally runs away, jumping a train for New York City. Caught by a railroad worker, Lily is forced to make the first in a long line of difficult decisions: she seduces him to get out of trouble and remain on the train. Upon arriving in New York, Lily sees the Gotham Trust skyscraper. Impressed, she promptly goes inside and seduces the personnel manager to get a job. From that point on, Lily flirts, seduces, pouts, cries, and otherwise maneuvers her way to the highest position in the firm, finally winning the devotion of the president of the bank himself, Carter. Soon, Lily is living in luxury in a flat paid for by Carter, but disaster strikes when one of her spurned lovers finds her and, in a fit of jealous rage, shoots first Carter, then himself. After the “Love Nest Tragedy” (Baby Face), the new president of the bank, Trenhelm, meets with Lily. He sees through her innocent victim charade, but admires her gumption and determination. Eventually he falls in love with her and they marry—but then the bank crashes and Trenhelm lands in jail for debt. Lily, with her stash of money and jewelry, decides to leave town instead of bailing out her husband. When she realizes her mistake and returns, she finds that Trenhelm has just shot himself. She calls the ambulance in time to save him, expresses her love for him at last, and lets the money fall aside.
            These two mediums of novel and film portray similar visions of the new 1920s woman, and, at first, they may not appear to be flattering. A broad mixture of the previous decades’ radical changes had combined to form the social realities of the 1920s. During those turbulent years leading up to the era—and culture—in which we find Margo and Lily, the United States was home to suffragist and women’s movements, a sexual revolution from the strict Victorian doctrine on proper behavior, and the major shift in U.S. lifestyles from rural to urban. Beginning well before the turn of the century, Western culture witnessed the sexual liberation of women from Victorian era ethical values toward freedom from the taboo surrounding a woman’s sexual desire (Cott 42-45). This dramatic shift in social attitudes toward gender roles was still under way in the 1920s, and it was still being explored and tested by women like Margo and Lily. In the year 1920, U.S. suffragists finally won the vote for women, but after that landmark occasion, women’s movements began to fracture and become less prominent (Lemons ix-xi). By the mid-1920s, the height of the “sexual revolution overlapped with the last stages of this century’s first wave of feminism” (Skolnick 42). Margo and Lily represent both of these trends, as demonstrated by their modern attitudes toward sex and their desire and ability to empower themselves.
This transformation of social patterns occurred simultaneously with the move to urbanism, which in turn promoted a shift to a corporate, commercial business world. The urbanization of the U.S. played a large part in the gathering of new ideals and social standards. “The city’s impact [on] national life” and morals was significant as the United States became an “urban nation” and there occurred a “massive exploitation of the city’s power to amuse and entertain” (Boyer 284-287)—as seen, for example, in both The Big Money and Baby Face with their recurring themes of going to New York City or Hollywood to make a living and a life. The economic situation resulting from the shift to a corporate business world offered “new opportunities for women” (Skolnick 41) to work outside the home in office positions. Independence from their families by working and supporting themselves helped lead women “away from the watchful eyes of their traditional and family communities” (Gerhard 16). Thus, the sexual revolution of working-class girls and the shift to urban lifestyles and corporate jobs for young women had paved the way to the so-called Flapper lifestyle of the Roaring Twenties. This made for an interesting and exciting decade, as, “basking in the successes of the suffrage movement, many young middle-class women of the 1920s assumed sexual equality had been achieved and set out to enjoy their newly won prerogatives” (Gerhard 17-18). This is the point at which we meet Margo and Lily.
The preceding historical factors come into play when we analyze the definitions of gender roles and the attributes associated with femininity in The Big Money and Baby Face. During and after times of radical change, it is sometimes difficult to determine precisely what is considered “the norm” in society, and these texts reflect that uncertainty. Dos Passos seems to accept or at least acknowledge the changing roles of women in the 1920s, as he portrays his female characters in a broad range of situations with differing social statuses and varying degrees of inner strength and outer ambition. Minor or semi-minor characters tend to fill in the picture around the ambitious and determined Margo and her counterpart, Mary French. Mary, the main character in another of The Big Money’s many interwoven stories, is a social idealist, caught up in the struggle for immigrant and union workers’ rights. She ultimately ruins her health and loses all personal connections because of her focus on the cause. Other women who appear in the story often provide complex, if brief, studies of contemporary feminine roles: Agnes is the essence of frailty and motherhood (though she never gave birth and outlives two husbands), Gladys is the traditional housewife and mother (though she becomes ruthless and money-hungry in her own sphere of influence), Evelyn is the ultimate socialite, Ada the respectable artist, and so on. Each of these characters, although differing greatly from each other, gives an opposing view of womanhood than that given by Margo and Mary. As seen in the main female characters’ stories, ambitious, independent women end up either miserable and alone or devoid of moral and emotional well-being. Thus, although alternative gender roles are presented in an apparently nonbiased and open-minded manner, the end result is that traditional social expectations are, in fact, confirmed.
Baby Face is much more limited in its presentation of women characters, and may therefore be more straightforward in its portrayal of feminine attributes. The only women the audience becomes acquainted with by more than a cursory glance or a quick comment are Lily and Chico, her African American servant—and Chico is hardly a rounded character herself, appearing mainly as a foil or conscience to Lily’s decisions. Consequently, the film effectively presents us with only a single image of (white) womanhood: one that portrays women as callous, sexual, cunning, and, of course (after all, this is Hollywood), ultimately just in need of a good man in order to see the error of her ways. However, we are not led to believe that this is the norm. In fact, through the isolated comments of other women (for example, when the office girls whisper about Lily behind her back), through the various reactions of the men (primarily, that Lily ought to be fired), and even through Chico herself (as she provides an almost constant morally judgmental soundtrack by singing “St. Louis Blues”[1]), the film’s portrayal of Lily is clearly meant to be that of a deviant. Traditional gender roles are, therefore, reaffirmed through the experience of catharsis that the audience gains while witnessing Lily’s story and through the ultimate satisfaction of conventional moral expectations in the last five minutes of the film.  
Given these outwardly clear definitions of womanhood and standards of morally acceptable gender roles, it is interesting to note that those very standards are actually challenged throughout each story and even complicated by the occurrence of conflicting definitions and principles. Before Lily leaves home, she has a single ally at her father’s speakeasy: an old professor, Adolf Cragg, who quotes Nietzsche and urges Lily to escape. The presence of the Nietzsche-bearing professor in Baby Face obscures the easy judgment we are tempted to cast on Lily. Nietzsche wrote about the ever fluctuating interpretations of “good” and “truth,” and about the power of change and the strength to overcome. Adolf reminds us that Lily is in a nearly impossible situation but has the power—through her own inner strength and determination—to rise above her environment rather than becoming a product of it. When the rest of her story is viewed in this light and with an acute memory of her abusive early life, we can more readily sympathize with her decisions and reactions regarding the men she encounters and uses. Lily’s journey, therefore, is not so much a tale of moral degradation as one of a process of learning and healing, through which she must pass before she is able to accept the love that she finds with Trenhelm at the end of the film.
Margo, too, complicates her own role as anti-moral, emotionally hardened woman through her ongoing relationship with her first husband, Tony. As Margo continually nurtures and cares for Tony, even after he wrongs her in various nearly unforgivable ways, one is presented with another side of a supposedly callous woman. No longer appearing emotionally dead, Margo now seems to have a softer heart than most—she forgives, she empathizes, she aids, she protects. In a strange twist, Tony takes on the role of a child, rather than husband, of Margo, and she accepts the role of mother. Thus, a woman portrayed as almost a cautionary tale of ambition at the heavy price of inner numbness becomes a nurturing, compassionate figure of mercy. The two roles that Margo fills may seem to be irreconcilably opposed, but by joining ambition with heart, Margo shows us that the prescribed standards and definitions identified above may not be flexible enough to encompass the full range of feminine identity. Therefore, while Lily and Margo may at first appear to present cathartic stories of deviancy that eventually reinforce and uphold the audience’s moral expectations, they may actually portray a more accurate reflection of the social realities at the time—the reality of women occupying complicated, changing roles and challenging the notions of “standard” femininity.
On a more basic level of presentation, we may examine the language and film techniques used to portray the two women. Lingering shots of Lily’s body (as when her father “sells” her to a customer and the camera seems to leer at Lily with that customer’s eyes) provide a male-based point of view, ultimately forcing even female viewers to gaze at Lily with a physically—even sexually—appraising eye. In contrast, Margo is rarely physically described, and the language used to depict her is then typically non-gendered. Hence, Lily, the office worker, is presented as an object, a spectacle of womanhood and sexual grace; whereas Margo, the actress, is presented as merely human—obviously lovely but not forced upon the reader as such. Only the fact that Margo is an actress who gains her livelihood through the use of her body relegates her to the same basic level as Lily—a sexual woman.
Nonetheless, these two powerhouses of sexuality are not confined to roles of “mere” objects. Quite the contrary, each of the women seems so overtly aware of this representation of herself that she is able to use the very male-based point of view that objectifies her to her own advantage. She contradicts the gender role into which she is placed by understanding the control it ultimately gives her over the opposite sex: in a strange twist of power, she manages to escape the gender role by utilizing it. Knowing that she is the object of desire, Lily chooses not to be victimized but to take advantage of those who desire her. By doling out sexual favors in exchange for monetary gains and business advancements, Lily plays the object while simultaneously objectifying the men who have thus wronged her. In this way, she shifts the standard view of this behavior, placing blame for the transgression upon the man, not the woman. We can see this in every relationship Lily goes through from her very first “indiscretion” on the train, when she could not have used the train worker if he had not been willing to take what she offered him. Similarly, Margo knowingly presents herself as a feminine object of beauty, something to be looked at and superficially admired. In fact, she becomes almost obsessive about her appearance (both within and outside of her professional life) as she gets a job modeling dresses, spends hours primping and picking out the perfect outfit, makes dubious monetary decisions based solely on appearances (such as going into debt to purchase a Rolls Royce), and so on. While appearing frivolous at first glance, each of these decisions actually assists Margo in gaining greater recognition, which leads to greater status and, ultimately, greater power. As an actress, her appearance is inextricably tied to her success, and she understands this and utilizes it to such personal advantage that the question of whether she ought to be viewed as an object seems, at last, ludicrous. Being an object is perfectly all right with Margo so long as it gets her where she wants to be and where she eventually ends up: on top.
The social realities of the urban United States and the roles of women within it during the 1920s were complex, and they emerged from the juxtaposition of this country’s first experiences with feminism, urbanism, and sexual revolution. Gender roles were being examined, tested, reassigned, and pushed to their limits, while stereotypes of masculinity and femininity were in a constant state of flux. In fact, the novel and film examined here have their own definitions of femininity challenged by the characters within them—Adolf gives Lily a complex background with hints of a deeply rooted moral center, while Tony gives Margo the opportunity to show a softer side of her hardened exterior. The two women even manage to defy their own representations, as they are shown and described in sexual terms but learn to use their objectification shrewdly to their own advantage. These portraits of life in the Roaring Twenties provide a view of women that is quite extraordinary. Lily and Margo exploit themselves and use men to get what they want, their power is gained only through their sexuality, and they seem to rely more on their looks than on their brains. However, in a beautifully understated reversal of expectations, Lily and Margo actually use their brains adeptly in order to get ahead with their looks: they are able to gain power from men through their sexuality only because of the men’s own desire to exploit them. These women emerge as both traditionally feminine and contemporarily feminist, as objects and objectifiers, as powerfully ambitious and inherently decent—in short, they are entirely human.






Works Cited
Baby Face. Dir. Alfred E. Green. Perf. Barbara Stanwyck. Warner Bros., 1933.
Boyer, Paul S. Urban Masses and Moral Order in America: 1820-1920. Boston: Harvard UP,
1978.
Cott, Nancy F. The Grounding of Modern Feminism. New Haven: Yale UP, 1987.
Dos Passos, John. The Big Money. 1933. New York: Houghton Mifflin, 2000.
Gerhard, Jane F. Desiring Revolution: Second-Wave Feminism and the Rewriting of American
Sexual Thought, 1920 to 1982. New York: Columbia UP, 2001.
“St. Louis Blues.” 29 Jan. 2000. Heptune.com. 17 April 2009 <http://www.heptune.com/
stlouisb.html>.
Lemons, J. Stanley. The Woman Citizen: Social Feminism in the 1920s. 1973. Pref. J. Stanley
Lemons. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1990.
Skolnick, Arlene S. Embattled Paradise: The American Family in an Age of Uncertainty. New
York: Basic Books, 1991.



[1] Oh, that St. Louis woman, with her diamond rings,
She pulls my man around by her apron strings.
And if it wasn't for powder and her store-bought hair,
Oh, that man of mine wouldn't go nowhere. (“St. Louis Blues.”)

Tuesday, May 8, 2012

The Many Lives of Oroonoko

          Although Aphra Behn’s Oroonoko is, on the surface, a story about slavery in the Americas, it is much more likely that Behn was writing a treatise on monarchy and the Stuart rule in England than a plea for the end of slavery. However, after Behn’s death Oroonoko took on a life of its own. The story of the enslaved prince was made into a play only six years after Behn died, then over the next two hundred years it was reproduced over and again by numerous authors, each of whom slightly altered the text to fit their own agenda and their own audience’s needs and expectations. The most significant changes to Behn’s story were made by Thomas Southerne, who first transformed Oroonoko into a play in 1695; John Hawkesworth, who in 1759 cut Southerne’s comic subplot and created the play form that others later followed; and John Ferriar, who changed Oroonoko into a thoroughly abolitionist story in 1788 – precisely 200 years after Behn’s original novella was published. By the time it reached its final transformations, Oroonoko was a solidly anti-slavery piece.
          Aphra Behn published Oroonoko; or, The Royal Slave in 1688, the year before her death. The original intent of her book has been debated, but it was most likely a royalist treatise inspired by the events surrounding the end of the Stuart reign in England. Many scholars compare the predicament of Oroonoko himself to that of King James, noting that Oroonoko “bears in captivity the same name—Caesar—which Behn uses to address both Charles II and James II” (Spencer 225). Truly, Behn condemns the enslavement of a monarch in her novella far more than she does slavery itself. For example, Oroonoko reprimands the slave ship captain who tricks him into captivity not for dealing in the slave trade, but rather for his dishonesty and false Christianity. When departing the ship, Oroonoko utters, “’Tis worth my Suffering to gain so true a Knowledge both of you, and your Gods by whom you swear” (67). Indeed, Oroonoko actually argues for slavery (that is, the traditional tribal dealings with slavery) in Behn’s novella: “Have they Won us in Honourable Battel? And are we, by the chance of War, become their Slaves? This wou’d not anger a Noble Heart” (86). Clearly, Behn’s story is more anti-slave trade (if that) than anti-slavery; but it does create a perfect framework for later authors to use in the fulfillment of their own agendas, which eventually did include abolition.
The first rewrite of Behn’s Oroonoko was by Thomas Southerne, who transformed the novella into a play (Oroonoko: A Tragedy) in 1695, six years after Behn’s death. The most drastic addition to the story is Southerne’s comic subplot, a sexually charged storyline involving two sisters, Charlott and Lucy Welldon (who are in Surinam seeking wealthy husbands), and a lusty widow, the Widow Lackitt. After much cross-dressing and trickery, the three women are happily married by the end of the play. The raunchy comic additions seem strange when placed side by side with the tragic tale of Oroonoko and Imoinda, but this style of tragicomedy was actually popular with the audiences of Restoration theater, and Oroonoko: A Tragedy “was one of the most frequently performed of all London dramas in the first half of the eighteenth century” (Munns 176).
Some of Southerne’s deletions from Behn’s text are just as telling as his addition; among the themes edited out of his play were the entire continent of Africa, almost all reference to (and all appearances of) the Surinam Indians, the presence of the narrator (generally understood to be Behn herself), and Imoinda’s blackness. There are many theories on the reason for making Imoinda white. One of these theories is that Southerne eliminated the narrator and made Imoinda white to combine the characters and play up the sexual tension between the narrator and Oroonoko in Behn’s version (Spencer 233). While there is not much evidence for this in the text itself, it does make for an interesting supposition. Another theory is that “the change in Imoinda’s coloring has as much to do with theatrical traditions as sexual transgressions or racial anxiety” (Munns 177). The argument here is that actors would readily wear blackface in order to portray heroic black men, but since pale skin was seen as the ultimate mark of womanly beauty at this time, in order for Imoinda to be beautiful she must also be white (Munns 177). 
In all but eliminating the Surinam Indians (they appear only offstage in the plays), Southerne and all of his successors also eliminate the complex three-way relationship that existed between white colonists, black slaves, and native Indians. In Southerne’s version of the story, Oroonoko proves his loyalty and heroism by rushing to defend the plantation when the Indians attack. This version “avoids the reality of dangerous alliances between indigenous inhabitants and imported African labor. … [The] alteration involves radical simplification and a massive act of forgetting” (Munns 180). It is also possible that the Indians were simply not necessary to Southerne’s play; he was not as interested in promoting colonization in the Americas as he was in box-office results, which were helped along by his addition of the comic subplot, as noted above.
While it is true that Behn’s story is not anti-slavery, it does plant the seeds for that reception. Southerne’s version, on the other hand, moves in the opposite direction, making Oroonoko defend not just tribal forms of slavery but also European slave trafficking. In Behn’s novella, after Oroonoko declares that winning a slave in battle is honorable, he adds, “but we are Bought and Sold like Apes, or Monkeys, to be the Sport of Women, Fools, and Cowards” (86). In Southerne, Oroonoko’s speech is quite different: “If we are Slaves, they did not make us Slaves; / But bought us in an honest way of trade: /… They paid our Price for us, and we are now / Their Property, a part of their Estate” (3.2.122-127). This complete reversal is credited to Southerne’s personal life – he was “seeking patronage from … one of the riches West Indian slave-owners” (Spencer 232) at the time that he wrote this play.
Southerne’s version of the tale also plays down Oroonoko’s royal honor and plays up his love of Imoinda – he is now motivated to rebel only because of his love for her, as any good Restoration hero might do. After his speech to Aboan on why they should not revolt (see above), Oroonoko is finally persuaded to anger by the thought of Imoinda being ravaged by the Governor. Aboan tells him that the Governor “Will know no bounds, [there is] no law against his Lusts” and Oroonoko at last replies “Ha! thou hast roused / The Lion in his den … / I’ll undertake / All thou would’st have me now for liberty” (3.2.221-240). While Behn’s Oroonoko was appalled at being enslaved and having his son born into slavery, Southerne’s Oroonoko seems fairly content with his lot until the thought of his lover’s innocence lost convinces him otherwise. With this, Oroonoko takes his first steps in Southerne’s play toward a less powerful presence; he is portrayed, in a way, as “a proper English gentleman who just happens to be black” (Munns 179). At the end of the play, he does not even possess the uncivilized emotion necessary to murder Imoinda, who is forced to kill herself and leave Oroonoko to follow suit.
John Hawkesworth was the next author to recreate Oroonoko’s tale with his version of the play, Oronooko: A Tragedy, As it is now Acted at the Theatre-Royal in Drury-Lane, which was produced in 1759. The only major change from Southerne’s version was his deletion of the comic subplot. Later reproductions of Oroonoko generally followed Hawkesworth’s version of Southerne’s play, rather than Behn’s original storyline: they all cut the comic subplot because of contemporary audience expectations. The sexual innuendo and broad comedy accepted during the Restoration period was considered lowbrow and vulgar to the 18th-century Sentimentalism crowd (Spencer 244-45). In an anonymous Prologue added to Hawkesworth’s play for its first performance, “Southerne is chastised for tainting the serious material with the comic: ‘Slave to custom in a laughing age, / With ribald mirth he stain’d the sacred page’” (qtd. in Trooboff 123).
Another change toward sentimentalism was the making of Oroonoko into a true tragic hero, deserving of pity and dying for love. Hawkesworth’s Oroonoko, like Southerne’s, cannot be encouraged to rebel by his friend Aboan alone, and is only compelled once Aboan’s urgings are combined with the thought of his unborn child with Imoinda. He goes further in becoming a victim of circumstances, however, by resolving not to strike first and by leaving his enemies alive at the end; after finally agreeing to lead the slave revolt, Oroonoko adds, “The Means that lead us to our Liberty / Must not be bloody – no – must not be bloody /… And not a Life shall fall” (3.2.249-260).
The play is not abolitionist, but it does evoke some of those feelings in its audiences by “emphasizing the brutality of the planters … creating sympathy for all the enslaved and not just for the noble prince” (Munns 181). The other slaves are given more lines and stage directions in this version, and emphasis is placed on the suffering caused by the entire system of slavery. For example, just before Oroonoko leads the rebellion, three slaves converse about their deplorable situation and their hope for Oroonoko to lead them to freedom:
2nd Slav.       … when I look
 At him, and hear him talk, I think I’m free already.
          3rd Slav.        Why aye, to be sure; such Men as he may do much.
          2nd Slav.       Why we were all such Men, ‘till Slav’ry broke us.
          (3.3.4-7)
Sentimentalism is certainly achieved by portraying all the slaves – not just princes – as human and emotional. This is a drastic change from Behn’s original novella, wherein the other slaves are portrayed at best as cowardly automatons.
Oroonoko was recreated again the following year by Francis Gentleman with his Oroonoko: or the Royal Slave, A Tragedy. Altered from Southerne. His play is actually altered from Hawkesworth’s version more than Southerne’s, as there is no comic subplot, and his additions are restricted to more sentimentalism and two new antagonists. Gentleman’s new characters are Massingano, a slave in Surinam whom Oroonoko had previously defeated and sold into slavery, and Zinzo, a newly arrived slave and cohort of Massingano. In this version, Massingano – with his desire for revenge – tricks Oroonoko into rebellion against the planters. The kind planter Blandford (first added to the play by Southerne as “Blanford” and kept in all subsequent versions as “Blandford”) comes to the rescue and stems the violence on both sides, making Oroonoko appear not only naive but also somewhat demure. His character takes another step on his path towards conventional protagonist and away from unique hero.
Yet another version of the play was written the same year by an anonymous playwright. Oroonoko, A Tragedy. Altered from the Original Play of that Name, Written by the late Thomas Southern, Esq. was published in 1760 but was never acted. The only major additions are those of new minor characters: Maria, daughter of the Lieutenant Governor and confidant of (still white) Imoinda, and Heartwell, President of the Council. The anonymously written version begins tending more toward anti-slavery, but is mostly simply patriotic (pro-British). Heartwell’s character, for instance, can be interpreted as the counterpart to the ruthless Lieutenant Governor, providing the play “with a benevolent representative of British colonial authority” (Spencer 252). In fact, the play still includes Oroonoko’s argument for slavery and the European slave trade. His rebellion seems directed not against slavery in general, but against the Lieutenant Governor in particular. It has been argued that this change in subtext was probably due to the era in which it was produced: the audience would have been “less troubled by Restoration and early 18th-century concerns with anarchy and tyranny than by issues of order and riot” (Munns 183). The Lieutenant Governor’s actions are seen in this light as inciting riot and disorder and therefore worthy of the audience’s disdain.
By 1780s England, the anti-slavery movement was beginning to appear not just in newspapers and pamphlets, but also in literature, art, and poetry – and John Ferriar’s version of Oroonoko (entitled The Prince of Angola), published in 1788, was one of the stories that was reworked to fit the theme of the times (Spencer 224-58). Ferriar’s title page to the play even included a note on the usefulness of the arts in the abolitionist movement: “Drama is a powerful weapon in the war to change minds and redress a terrible grievance” (qtd. in Trooboff 125). In fact, older versions of the story were not just being rewritten but actually reinterpreted in their original forms to fit the perspective of contemporary audiences. In other words, “Oroonoko was being replaced by the Oroonoko myth” (Spencer 255). The first plays by Southerne and Hawkesworth were beginning to be perceived as abolitionist propaganda in and of themselves; therefore, Ferriar’s version was a logical extension of that trend.
This abolitionist version – like other contemporary anti-slavery writings, including the narrative of Olaudah Equiano – seems meant to personalize and individualize the suffering of slaves in order to more effectively engage the audience’s pity and thereby rouse them to action. The character of Blandford, for example, gives audiences a course to follow in Ferriar’s version by changing his own stand on the matter from benign acceptance of slavery to extreme abolitionist. When Blandford appears in the opening scene of the play, he speaks to the Lieutenant Governor not of abolishing slavery, but of treating the slaves in a more benevolent manner: “Give them proper food and sufficient cloaths; destroy your instruments of torture; abridge your overseers of the pleasure of the flogging” (1.1.24-26). After befriending Oroonoko, Blandford begins to see the wrongfulness of slavery and seems to speak directly to Ferriar’s audience when he cries to Oroonoko, “Your history / Must redden each European cheek with shame” (2.2.192-193). Finally, Blandford’s declaration to Stanmore (and the audience) in the last scene, moments after Oroonoko kills himself, exemplify his total commitment to the eradication of slavery: “But you who mutely eye this scene of horror, / Curse not the erring arm – the guilt is ours; / For deeds like these are slav’ry’s fruit; the chain / And bloody whip bring punishment upon us” (5.4.170-173).
While Ferriar’s is the first purposefully abolitionist version of the story, by the time Oroonoko is fully transformed to an anti-slavery play the character himself has lost his original powerful presence. Ferriar eliminates many of Oroonoko’s soliloquies, violent tendencies, and references to his African origins (along with any plot-complicating references to having owned or dealt with slaves in his own country), and in so doing, he creates a version of the character that has taken the final step in becoming an anonymous white stage hero in blackface. Almost nothing remains of the original Oroonoko’s personality at this point, and Ferriar’s incarnation of the story is compellingly yet merely a framework on which to establish his anti-slavery rhetoric.
In fact, Ferriar changes even the motivation of the other slaves in Surinam, who now give up the rebellion and turn on Oroonoko not because of their own low rank (and therefore character), as in Behn’s novella and the successive plays, but because of what they have been put through by the cruel and ruthless slave owners (as hinted at in Hawkesworth’s version). Where Behn writes Oroonoko’s scornful speech that the other slaves “were by Nature Slaves, … Dogs, treacherous and cowardly, fit for such Masters” (90), Southerne keeps the sentiment (and almost the exact words) with Oroonoko’s lines that they “were by Nature Slaves; Wretches design’d / To be their Master’s Dogs, and lick their Feet” (5.2.64-65). This exchange remains in the later plays, until Ferriar reverses the response and completely abandons the original speech, making Oroonoko speak first directly to his fellow slaves, and then address the Lieutenant Governor: “And is it thus? is this to be a Slave, / To be a man no more in ought but shape? / Now, Tyrants, I perceive your lashes cut, / Ev’n deeper than I knew; they mark the soul” (4.1.59-62). The surrendering slaves’ cowardice is portrayed not as their own fault, but the fault of slavery and those who practice it.
The numerous reproductions of Oroonoko have created countless changes, some of them major, such as the presence of the African continent, the race of Imoinda, and even Oroonoko’s motivation to revolt, and some of them minor, such as the presence of the narrator, the role of the other slaves, and the presence or absence of minor characters. Besides these factors of content, however, one could argue that the grandest changes of all were the transformations in Oroonoko’s subtext: the underlying reason for the work ebbs from monarchical justification to abolitionist appeal, while the hero himself morphs from dominant sovereign to demure slave.





 




Works Cited
Anonymous. “Oroonoko, A Tragedy. Altered from the Original Play of that Name,
Written by the late Thomas Southern, Esq.” Oroonoko: Adaptations and Offshoots. Ed. Susan B. Iwanisziw. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006. 185-202.
Behn, Aphra. Oroonoko. Ed. Catherine Gallagher. Boston: Bedford, 2000.
Ferriar, John. “The Prince of Angola.” Oroonoko: Adaptations and Offshoots. Ed. Susan
B. Iwanisziw. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006. 203-257.
Gentleman, Francis. “Oroonoko: or the Royal Slave, A Tragedy. Altered from
Southerne.” Oroonoko: Adaptations and Offshoots. Ed. Susan B. Iwanisziw. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006. 163-184.
Hawkesworth, John. “Oroonoko, A Tragedy, As it is now Acted at the Theatre-Royal in
Drury-Lane.” Oroonoko: Adaptations and Offshoots. Ed. Susan B. Iwanisziw. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006. 104-162.
Munns, Jessica. “Reviving Oroonoko ‘in the scene’: From Thomas Southerne to ‘Biyi
Bandele.” Troping Oroonoko from Behn to Bandele. Ed. Susan B. Iwanisziw. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004. 174-197.
Southerne, Thomas. “Oroonoko: A Tragedy.” Oroonoko: Adaptations and Offshoots. Ed.
Susan B. Iwanisziw. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006. 1-80.
Spencer, Jane. Aphra Behn’s Afterlife. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2000.
Trooboff, Rhoda M. “Reproducing Oroonoko: A Case Study in Plagiarism, Textual
Parallelism, and Creative Borrowing.” Troping Oroonoko from Behn to Bandele.  Ed. Susan B. Iwanisziw. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004. 108-140.

Tuesday, May 1, 2012

Anne Sexton the Feminist


A shining example of the postmodernist era, Anne Sexton displays a heavy dependence upon oral tradition and the spoken word in her poetry—along with almost every other major aspect of postmodernist style and themes.  Her poems express irony, anger, and loneliness, and she takes on an intimate, almost confessional tone—popularized by the apparent movement of writers in the ’50s first to the psychiatrist’s office and then directly to the typewriter to share their most private findings with the world at large. 
When Sexton’s contemporary Allen Ginsberg writes, “Will we stroll dreaming of the lost America of love,” he is reflecting the postmodernist feeling that our most human values—love, compassion, wonder—are threatened and even on the verge of extinction in our unfeeling, impassive modern culture. Sexton picks up this same line of thought and carries it further in the poem Self in 1958—her own reaction to the uniform “plasticness” of the people and the world around her.  In this poem, Sexton seems to yearn for a real world, a real life, but is not able to even summon the emotions necessary for such an awakening anymore: “I would cry / … if I could remember how / and if I had the tears.”  She is bearing witness to the so-called “death of feeling,” a very real postmodernist fear that the drive toward power, outward success, and the accumulation of wealth were stifling the truth of domestic feelings and personal emotions.  Sexton is trapped in an unreal world; perfect in all appearances, but actually a sham—a cover-up so powerful that it becomes ultimately inescapable.
            Sexton writes powerfully as a response to the pressures of gender role conformity (as in Self in 1958). She uses a kind of heated irony and dark humor (demonstrated piercing in Her Kind), and she often reveals the Freudian influence of imagining a horrific inner life, which she couples with confessional, “therapist’s couch” overtones (painfully illustrated in For My Lover, Returning to His Wife). She is also beautifully talented at utilizing her own, personal “voice” in natural American vernacular and intimate sounding speech (portrayed with heartbreaking exquisiteness in The Truth the Dead Know). 
            In an important contribution to the emerging admiration and respect for women in the literature world, Anne Sexton gives a brutally honest, painfully self-aware account of a woman’s life in “picture-perfect” 1950s suburbia.  Opening the secret gates that kept the female sex locked into a mold of male-envisioned womanhood, Sexton reveals complex layers of excruciating confusion, stifled emotion, and suppressed needs: “What is reality / to this synthetic doll / who should smile, who should shift gears, / … and have no evidence of ruin or fears?”